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                <title level="j">Droit et Société : Revue internationale de théorie du droit et de sociologie juridique</title>
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                <term xml:lang="en">RQTH</term>
                <term xml:lang="en">quota</term>
                <term xml:lang="en">public policy</term>
                <term xml:lang="en">employment</term>
                <term xml:lang="en">discrimination</term>
                <term xml:lang="en">disability</term>
                <term xml:lang="fr">RQTH</term>
                <term xml:lang="fr">quota</term>
                <term xml:lang="fr">politiques publiques</term>
                <term xml:lang="fr">handicap</term>
                <term xml:lang="fr">emploi</term>
                <term xml:lang="fr">discrimination</term>
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              <p>In France, an employment quota sets the minimum proportion of people with documented disabilities at 6% of the workforce in companies and public agencies. Its implementation requires categorization as “disabled worker,” whose main modality is an administrative status, the “reconnaissance de la qualité de travailleur handicapé” (recognition as being a disabled worker, RQTH). Based on 67 biographical interviews with people living with mobility or visual impairments or specific learning disorders, we analyze the ambivalent reception of this status by of this status by eligible persons. The RQTH has multiple implications: identity ascription to a possibly stigmatizing category, prerequisite for reasonable accommodation, and hypothetical lever for positive discrimination. People’s trade-offs depend on the visibility of their impairment and the socialization they have received. Requests for RQTH and mentions of the status during job applications are common and sometimes forced among people with mobility or visual impairments, while they are more atypical among people with specific learning disorders.</p>
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              <p>En France, un quota d’emploi fixe à 6 % la proportion minimale de personnes reconnues handicapées dans les effectifs des entreprises et des administrations. Sa mise en œuvre suppose une catégorisation comme « travailleur handicapé », dont la principale modalité est un statut administratif, la « reconnaissance de la qualité de travailleur handicapé » (RQTH). À partir de 67 entretiens biographiques avec des personnes ayant un handicap moteur, une déficience visuelle ou un trouble dys, nous analysons la réception ambivalente de ce statut par ses ressortissants. La RQTH a en effet des implications plurielles : assignation identitaire potentiellement stigmatisante, prérequis à des aménagements raisonnables et hypothétique levier de discrimination positive. Les arbitrages des personnes varient selon la visibilité de leur déficience et la socialisation reçue. Les demandes de RQTH et leurs mentions lors de candidatures à des postes sont courantes voire contraintes parmi les personnes handicapées motrices ou déficientes visuelles, plus atypiques parmi les personnes ayant des troubles dys</p>
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